Une épopée corsaire au Canada atlantique durant le régime français

This essay is part of a series of contributions to be published over the coming years by members of the research group “Military Service, Citizenship, and Political Culture: Studies of Militias in Atlantic Canada.” Any questions about the project can be sent to Gregory Kennedy, Research Director of the Acadian Studies Institute at the Université de Moncton at gregory.kennedy@umoncton.ca.
Nous vous présentons une texte d’une série de contributions qui seront publiées au cours des prochaines années par des membres du groupe de recherche « Service militaire, citoyenneté et culture politique : études des milices au Canada atlantique ». N’hésitez pas à joindre Gregory Kennedy, directeur scientifique de l’Institut d’études acadiennes de l’Université de Moncton, pour toute question concernant le projet à gregory.kennedy@umoncton.ca.

Nicolas Landry

Université de Moncton, campus de Shippagan

Nul besoin d’insister sur le fait que la guerre de course et les corsaires n’occupent pas une grande place dans l’historiographie militaire de la Nouvelle-France. Du moins, pas au même titre que les troupes de la marine, la milice ou encore les alliances entre communautés amérindiennes et eurocanadiennes. Une explication possible à ce phénomène réside sans doute dans le fait que cette activité se concentrait très majoritairement dans les colonies françaises de l’actuel Canada atlantique qui ont moins retenu l’attention des spécialistes de la Nouvelle-France jusqu’ici, soit Port Royal et le fleuve Saint-Jean en Acadie, Plaisance à Terre-Neuve et, finalement, Louisbourg sur l’île Royale. Les chiffres parlent d’eux-mêmes puisque, en définitive, sur un total de 332 prises de navires anglais déclarées en Nouvelle-France entre 1689 et 1759, 89% ont été effectuées dans l’espace colonial français du Canada atlantique[1].

Carte_de_l'_Accadie_et_Pais_Voisins_1757

Figure 1 – Carte de l’Accadie et Pais Voisins, 1757, Jacques-Nicolas Bellin (Wikipedia)

C’est donc en vertu de cette lacune historiographique mentionnée ci-haut que je me suis intéressé à cet aspect négligé de l’histoire du Canada atlantique. Le projet tentera à la fois de mieux faire comprendre les réalités de la course française dans la région mais aussi de présenter certains de ses principaux acteurs. À noter que ce texte s’inscrit dans deux projets en collaboration avec le Professeur Gregory Kennedy, directeur de l’Institut d’études acadiennes de l’Université de Moncton. D’abord celui intitulé « La course et les corsaires en Acadie et sur l’Île Royale, 1688 à 1758 », qui a bénéficié d’une subvention de la Faculté des études supérieures et de la recherche de cette institution. Ensuite, celui intitulé « Service militaire, citoyenneté et culture politique; études des milices au Canada atlantique 1700-2000 », en collaboration avec le Gregg Centre for the Study of War and Society et le Département d’histoire de la University of New Brunswick.

La période à l’étude dans ce projet s’aligne sur la chronologie de l’histoire-bataille coloniale qui regroupe les guerres d’Augsbourg (1688-1697), de Succession d’Espagne (1702-1713), de Succession d’Autriche (1744-48) et de Sept Ans (1754-1763). En guise d’entrée en matière, nous consacrons néanmoins ce billet à démontrer que l’activité corsaire dans la région est d’abord l’œuvre d’initiatives anglo-hollandaises entre 1613 et 1674. L’activité française, quant à elle, débute plutôt avec la Guerre de la Ligue d’Augsbourg en 1688. Ainsi, en 1613, lorsque le capitaine anglais Samuel Argall, amiral de la nouvelle colonie de Virginie, s’empare de Saint-Sauveur et de Port Royal, il est à ce moment muni d’une commission en guerre du roi d’Angleterre. Il en va de même des frères Kirke qui détiennent des lettres de marque de Charles Ier (décembre 1627) les autorisant à capturer des « French Prizes in the Atlantic during the Anglo-French War »[2]. Les Kirke s’empareront non seulement des postes français du fleuve Saint-Laurent, entre Cap Tourmentin et Tadoussac, incluant le poste de traite français de l’île Miscou et finalement Québec. Fait intéressant à noter, rappelons que les Kirke sont des huguenots et natifs de Dieppe en France. En 1627, suite au début de la guerre entre la France et l’Angleterre, le roi Charles Ier confie à David Kirke et à ses frères la mission de s’emparer du Canada. Quoiqu’ils échouent devant Québec en 1628, ils réussissent l’exploit en 1629.

Champlain cédant Québec à l’amiral Kirk le 20 juillet 1629

Figure 2 – Champlain surrendering Qubec to Admiral Kirke, July 20, 1628, oilette postcard printed in England after the drawing by R. Caton Woodville (Wikipedia)

L’expédition est alors organisée par la Company of Adventurers to Canada[3]. En ce qui concerne le major Robert Sedgwick, nommé par Cromwell, il détient lui-aussi une commission de course lorsqu’il s’empare de l’Acadie en 1654. Il est également sûr qu’en 1674, le capitaine Jurriaen Aernoutsz commande un navire corsaire hollandais, le Flying Horse, lorsqu’il attaque Machias, Saint-Jean et Jemseg, avant de vendre son butin à Boston[4]. Ainsi, avant 1688, les épisodes violents survenant à Terre-Neuve ou entre l’Acadie et la Nouvelle-Angleterre découlent davantage de luttes pour le contrôle des pêches que d’enjeux proprement impériaux[5]. À cette époque, il y aura toutefois des tentatives en vue d’assurer un contexte de paix dans les colonies atlantiques détenues par la France et l’Angleterre. Continue reading

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Spring 2020 Acadiensis

By Suzanne Morton and Donald Wright

The publication of the Spring 2020 issue of Acadiensis takes place in a very different world from that of when it began to come together. Indeed, no one could have anticipated how quickly the novel coronavirus would spread or the toll it would take. Our hearts go out to our readers who have been directly impacted by the pandemic or whose precarious incomes have been made even more precarious.

Still, historians are well-equipped: the study of change over time is our bread and butter, giving us much-needed perspective and the ability to read change in the present.

To this end, we are delighted with the he Spring issue both for its scholarship and its unusually broad sweep, from the late-17th century to the 1970s. Thomas Peace contributes an exciting and original analysis of social networks in early-18th century Kespukwitk and Port Royal, arguing that there was less interaction between Indigenous populations and settlers than has been assumed.

G. Patrick O’Brien offers an article on a family in Loyalist exile in Halifax focusing on the women’s emotions. In his words, “Loyalist women were not simply complicit followers. To the contrary, women had influence over their husband’s decisions concerning the family and were also important public figures in the creation of Loyalist communities.”

The Nova Scotia Cricket League at the turn of the 20th century is the subject of John Reid’s contribution. For a period of time, Reid argues, the NSCL served an important integrative function. When read in the context of Black Lives Matter, his scholarship is yet another powerful reminder of the historical presence and participation of Black Nova Scotians throughout society.

Andrew Secord examines the process of political decision making around New Brunswick’s move into nuclear power in the early 1970s. In remarkable detail, and drawing on the idea of decisions becoming “locked-in,” he uncovers where, how, and why the decision to build Point Lepreau was made.

Finally, we round out the volume with Jacques Gagnon’s research note on a 1686 Beaubassin map and two review essays by Michael McCrossan and Fred Burrill that examine recent books on Indigenous legal issues and modern state planning respectively.

Readers should be able to access the issue through MUSE next week and through other platforms shortly after. And although the mailing of hardcopies will be delayed because of the closure of the University of New Brunswick campus, we are actively looking at ways of getting copies to our subscribers as soon as possible.

On behalf of the Acadiensis team, we hope that you enjoy this issue. We also hope that you and your family are well during this difficult time. We won’t say unprecedented time because, as historians, we know that nothing is unprecedented and that everything has a precedent. In this sense, we are incredibly lucky to be historians.


Suzanne Morton and Donald Wright are Co-editors of Acadiensis.

 

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The Wake: The Deadly Legacy of a Newfoundland Tsunami

By Linda Kealey

On a recent news broadcast, Dr. Deena Hinshaw, Chief Medical Health Officer of Alberta, compared the current pandemic crisis to a tidal wave that sweeps all before it out to sea.  Tidal waves and tsunamis destroy lives and communities often without warning.  Her comparison brought to mind Linden MacIntyre’s recent historical narrative based in the Newfoundland community of St. Lawrence, located on the South Coast of the province.  The Wake: The Deadly Legacy of a Newfoundland Tsunami (Toronto: Harper Collins Canada, 2018) is both a historical recounting of events and a personal coming to grips with a legacy not only of a disastrous tidal wave that killed 28 people in November 1929, wiping out buildings and the fishery, but also of the ensuing turn of that community to fluorspar mining.  The mines replaced the fishery but left in their wake a history of industrial disease and death, taking the lives of hundreds of miners, leaving families to grieve and deal with inadequate compensation.

the wake

The Wake: The Deadly Legacy of a Newfoundland Tsunami.

As a journalist and novelist, MacIntyre tells these stories as a tribute to the residents and victims of the tsunami and as a reminder of corporate greed as well as government failures to act.  His father moved to St. Lawrence in the 1940s to work in mining but stayed only a few years (Linden MacIntyre was born in a nearby community) before returning to Cape Breton. The author’s conversations with his father in the 1960s brought to light the perils of underground mining and the economic factors that led men to risk their lives to earn a living for their families.  His book starts with the tsunami and its impact on the community, drawing on archival documents, government sources, interviews and personal stories, setting the context for the community’s eager embrace of a mining proposition in the subsequent hard times of the Great Depression. Continue reading

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The David Alexander Prize / Le prix David Alexander – 2020 ($400)

The David Alexander Prize – 2020 ($400)

The David Alexander Prize is awarded annually for the best essay on the history of Atlantic Canada written in a course by an undergraduate student in any university. The amount of the prize is currently set at $400.

 Conditions:

  • Entries must be undergraduate essays between 1,500 and 5,000 words in length on some aspect of the history of Atlantic Canada, written in English or French.
  • They may be research, interpretive, or historiographical efforts.
  • The author must be part-time or full-time undergraduate student in a degree program at an accredited university or college, and the essay must have been written to meet the requirement of an undergraduate credit course during the 2019-2020 academic year.
  • Previous winners of the prize may not compete.

Submissions: Entries shall be submitted by course instructors no later than 30 June 2020. No instructor shall submit more than two entries. Essays should not bear the instructor’s comments or a grade. Entries may be sent as an electronic copy or a printed copy.

Adjudication: Entries will be judged by a panel of three distinguished historians. The winner will be announced in the autumn of 2020. No runners-up or honorary mentions will be designated.

Entries may be submitted by email attachment to the Acadiensis Administrative Assistant at acadnsis@unb.ca, or by post to:

Alexander Prize Committee
c/o Office Manager, Acadiensis
Campus House, University of New Brunswick
P.O. Box 4400, Fredericton, N.B.   E3B 5A3


Le prix David Alexander – 2020 ($400)

Le prix David-Alexander est accordé annuellement à la meilleure dissertation portant sur l’histoire des provinces de l’Atlantique réalisée par une étudiante ou un étudiant dans le cadre d’un cours de premier cycle.

Conditions:

  • Les dissertations soumises doivent avoir été effectuée dans le cadre d’un cours de premier cycle. Elles doivent compter entre 1 500 et 5 000 mots, être rédigées en français ou en anglais, et traiter en profondeur d’un aspect de l’histoire des provinces de l’Atlantique.
  • Il peut s’agir d’un travail de recherche ou d’un essai de type historiographique.
  • L’auteur doit être inscrit à temps plein ou à temps partiel dans un programme de premier cycle dispensé par une université ou un collège reconnu. La dissertation doit avoir été rédigée à titre d’exigence dans le cadre d’un cours de premier cycle offert durant l’année universitaire 2019-2020.
  • Les personnes ayant déjà reçu le prix ne sont pas éligibles.

Dépôt des candidatures: Les dossiers de candidature doivent être présentés par les professeurs avant le 30 June 2020. Aucun professeur ne peut présenter plus de deux dossiers. Les dissertations doivent être dactylographiées et ne comporter aucun commentaire ou note de la personne responsable du cours.

Résultats: Les dossiers seront évalués par un jury formé de trois historiens de renom. Le gagnant sera connu au plus tard à l’autumne 2020. Aucun prix de deuxième place ou mention spéciale ne sera accordé.

Les candidatures peuvent être soumises en l’envoyant par email attachement à l’assistant administratif d’Acadiensis (acadnsis@unb.ca), ou par courrier à:

Alexander Prize Committee
c/o Office Manager, Acadiensis
Campus House, University of New Brunswick
P.O. Box 4400, Fredericton, N.B.   E3B 5A3         

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William Ambrose John Revisited

By David Frank

I came across the file when I was doing research in Immigration Branch records in Ottawa in the 1970s. Those documents told the sad story of William Ambrose John, a young coal miner from Wales, who shot himself at the Salvation Army hostel in Saint John, New Brunswick in September 1920.

PHOTO 1 FAMILY

A working-class family, Morriston, Wales, c. 1909. William Ambrose John (seated front right) with his mother, father, sisters and brothers. He was about ten years old at this time. Photo courtesy of Georgina Howden.

He, and his companion Robert Johnson, were among a group of workers recruited that year by the Dominion Coal Company for work in the Cape Breton coal mines. When they received their first pays, they found they were not earning the wages they were promised by the company’s immigration agent. Ambrose was convinced he would never make enough money to send for his wife and child. They left for New Brunswick, where they took work at the sugar refinery in Saint John. Johnson went to work in the mines at Minto, while Ambrose made plans to return to Swansea for his family and make a new start in the United States.

During his last days, however, Ambrose became despondent. He received news from home and wrote heart-rending letters to his wife: “If I had wings I would fly over the Atlantic in order to take you in my arms and comfort you.” And in another: “your Ambrose has been through hell this last six weeks.” According to the Saint John coroner, those letters were never sent. Ambrose also left a letter addressed to the local police: “will you please try to stop the Dominion Coal Company from luring any more men from the Old Country under false promises.” Continue reading

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“The Militia and Civic Community in Colonial New Brunswick: Part I, 1786-1816”

The post is published in partnership with our friends at Borealia.
Note de l’éditeur : Service militaire, citoyenneté et culture politique : études des milices au Canada atlantique
Nous vous présentons le premier texte d’une série de contributions qui seront publiées au cours des prochaines années par des membres d’un nouveau groupe de recherche en histoire des milices au Canada atlantique. Réuni autour d’un projet de recherche subventionné par le Conseil de recherche en sciences humaines du Canada, le groupe souhaite approfondir nos connaissances sur les apports pluriels des milices en temps de guerre et de paix, de l’époque coloniale à nos jours. Largement négligés de la production historiographique, les milices et les débats entourant leurs activités, formes et mobilisations n’ont pas pour le moins été déterminants à l’édification du Canada et à l’histoire de l’Amérique du Nord. Nonobstant cette lacune, le Canada atlantique, par sa mosaïque de communautés culturelles – Autochtones, Acadiens, Irlandais, etc. – et la diversité de son aménagement territorial – tant rural qu’urbain – constitue un laboratoire stimulant pour étudier les milices à partir d’un ensemble de perspectives. Tablant sur ces avantages, les membres du groupe de recherche se sont engagés à collaborer de façon régulière aux blogues d’Acadiensis et de Borealia. Qu’il s’agisse de billets, de notes de recherche, de commentaires de document ou d’articles de fond, les membres du groupe feront ainsi périodiquement part de leurs travaux et réflexions sur ces plateformes. N’hésitez pas à joindre Gregory Kennedy, directeur scientifique de l’Institut d’études acadiennes de l’Université de Moncton, pour toute question concernant le projet à gregory.kennedy@umoncton.ca.
Contribution produite dans le cadre du projet « Service militaire, citoyenneté et culture politique : études des milices au Canada atlantique ».

Military Service, Citizenship and Political Culture: Militia Studies in Atlantic Canada
This is the first text in a series of contributions to be published over the coming years by members of a new research group on militia history in Atlantic Canada. Assembled through a research project funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Council of Canada, the group wishes to broaden our knowledge on the many contributions of the militia in times of war and peace, from colonial times to the present. Widely overlooked in the historiography, militias and the debates surrounding their activities, forms and mobilizations were decisive in the shaping of Canada and North America history. Notwithstanding this gap, Atlantic Canada, with its mosaic of cultural communities – First Nations, Acadians, Irish, etc. – and the diversity of its territorial planning – both rural and urban – constitutes a stimulating laboratory for studying the militia from different perspectives. Building on these advantages, members of the research group have committed themselves to collaborating regularly on Acadiensis and Borealia blogs. Whether it be short essay, research notes, document commentary or traditional articles, group members will periodically share their work and thoughts on these platforms. Any questions about the project can be sent to Gregory Kennedy, Research Director of the Acadian Studies Institute at the Université de Moncton at gregory.kennedy@umoncton.ca.
Contribution produced within the framework of the project “Military service, citizenship and political culture: studies of militias in Atlantic Canada”.

by Elizabeth Mancke and Abbie MacPherson

No provincial institution in pre-Confederation British North America brought more people under its purview as did militias, notwithstanding exclusions, most particularly older men, women, and children.[1] A provincial militia was more inclusive than religion or ethnicity, more comprehensive than the political community defined by the franchise. Men who could not vote still mustered for militia training. Denominational adversaries marched together for militia training but would not share a church pew. Linguistic antagonists and racialized peoples found common cause in a militia regiment. For these reasons, militias were more important for defining and shaping the civic culture of pre-Confederation British North America than we have appreciated.

This short essay reflects on the militia and civic society in early New Brunswick through a preliminary analysis of militia legislation from 1786 to 1816, which was surprisingly expressive of civic values. In its first thirty years, the assembly passed nine successive militia laws, and a further six amending bills. In the first eight, the assembly shrewdly included sunset clauses, initially five years for peacetime legislation (1787, 1792, and 1802), and “during the present war, and no longer,” for the first two wartime militia laws (1794 and 1805).[2] Through sunset clauses, the assembly committed itself to regularly review and renew provincial militia policies, as well as ensure that the militia remained a provincial rather than imperial institution. Indeed, during the Napoleonic Wars, the New Brunswick assembly resisted metropolitan British attempts to bring colonial militias under imperial military authority.[3] The assembly also limited the governor’s fiscal discretion over militia officers by setting compensation caps for adjutants, who the governor paid.[4] In its frequent renewals and revisions, the assembly also modified terms of inclusion, thus offering periodic glimpses into New Brunswickers’ understandings of the intersection of military preparedness and civic obligations. Continue reading

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Where the Boys Are

By Greg Marquis

In his 2015 memoir South End Boy: Growing up in Halifax in the tumultuous ’30s and ’40s, former CBC radio and television personality Jim Bennet recalled the freedom that boys, some as young as five, had to roam the wharves, streets, alleys, railways tracks, shoreline, ponds and open spaces of the Nova Scotia capital. Whereas girls, at least in his family, lived relatively sheltered lives, urban boys were on the move, with little adult supervision, in search of adventure.[1] Similarly, interviews conducted for the anthology Occupied St. John’s stressed that the Newfoundland city-even in war time- was a giant playground for boys.[2]

My research into a 1902 murder case in Saint John, which took place a generation prior to Bennett’s experiences and those of the adults interviewed for the Newfoundland project,  uncovered a similar pattern for that industrial city: boys, especially of the working class, appeared to enjoy considerable freedom, away from the control of parents, teachers, employers and religious leaders.[3] Willie Doherty was an Irish Catholic teenager from a working class neighbourhood, most of it later lost to urban renewal, that was once called the East End.  It was a tenement district of low-story wooden buildings between Waterloo Street and Courtenay Bay. In addition to several corner stores and other small businesses, the East End was home to railway tracks, a tannery and a cotton mill. The population consisted of native-born Protestants and Roman Catholics and a few immigrants, notably ‘Syrians’ (Lebanese immigrants). The area was an early target of housing and other reformers including the playground movement.

Dime novels were thought to contribute to the boy problem

Dime novels were thought to contribute to the boy problem.

The East End was the subject of Saint John’s first housing survey in 1914.  As defined by 1940s urban planning and 1950s urban renewal advocates, the neighbourhood was not only a blighted area, it was also a source of social pathology, especially juvenile delinquency. The implication was that eradication of the neighbourhood- or large parts of it- would remove social problems.[4]  The murder of Doherty in nearby Rockwood Park (another threat to moral reformers) in 1902 threw into sharp focus the ‘boy problem,’ an issue identified by the 1890s if not earlier. Journalists, educators, maternal feminists, members of the clergy, police and municipal officials adopted both soft and hard approaches to the threat, the manifestations of which were truancy, voluntary unemployment, cigarette smoking, the use of bad language, loitering, the consumption of harmful popular culture such as dime novels and motion pictures, the carrying of weapons and involvement in petty crime, notably burglary and shoplifting. Individuals and organizations who advocated or implemented soft responses were motivated by the environmental and sentimental theories of the ‘child saving’ movement.  As detailed by Julia Grant, urban boys of poor, immigrant and minority backgrounds were a special challenge for American educators stating in the 1870s.[5] Continue reading

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Call for Papers: Rainbows of New Brunswick Hope in the Face of COVID-19: Creativity, Safety, and Resilience

Rainbows of New Brunswick Hope in the Face of COVID-19: Creativity, Safety, and Resilience

The Journal for New Brunswick Studies (https://journals.lib.unb.ca/index.php/JNBS) invites contributions that address the impact of the novel coronavirus on the people, communities, and economy of New Brunswick for a thematic issue on this topical and important subject, to be published in 2022. Its specific objectives are to assess the response of the Government of New Brunswick to this public health crisis and its economic reverberations, to stimulate discussion on community trauma and mental wellbeing, to discuss the social impact of this pandemic, and to shed light on creative expression inspired by a virus that has drastically altered our lives and the fabric of our province. To anchor a collective reflection on a complex subject, we use a powerful metaphor introduced by the global rainbow movement, which intertwines hope, resilience, and creativity. Contributors are thus expected to provide informed and engaging assessments of this global pandemic that consider the present situation within New Brunswick in relation to a new, post-coronavirus reality, concluding with insights and lessons learnt. Continue reading

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Cures, Clothes, and Comfort: Profiting from the 1918 Influenza Pandemic

By Jane Jenkins

Spreading as fast as the COVID-19 pandemic these days are ads and YouTube videos touting cures and preventatives: if you can hold your breath for 10 seconds you don’t have the virus but if you do fall victim megadoses of Vitamin C, lemons, zinc lozenges, and anti-malaria drugs can cure you. Peddlers of quack cures like these see opportunity in the uncertainty of a world turned upside down. Things weren’t much different during the 1918 influenza pandemic.

flu

Source: Public Archives of New Brunswick

When influenza swept into New Brunswick in the fall of 1918, people were already bone-weary from four years of war and it seemed almost incomprehensible that things could get any worse. Unfortunately, people were soon overwhelmed by fear of the invisible killer they called “the enemy in our midst”. Health Department officials responded swiftly and within days of the first reported cases, issued orders to close all theatres, schools, and churches and to prohibit large gatherings and meetings. Although shops and small businesses could remain open, customer flow was greatly reduced. The province had been shut down and it would stay that way for five long weeks.

Isolation, boredom, and overwhelming dread replaced the usual routines of life that chilly fall of 1918. And feeding on this widespread anxiety were newspaper advertisements and articles trumpeting remedies to prevent or cure influenza by keeping the right attitude, making home-made recipes, or buying ready-made items. In most cases, the path to cure and comfort led straight to the clothes and other goods for sale in shops and stores. Continue reading

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History is Not a Shield for Ludlow

By  Richard Yeomans

In recent months there has been a growing debate about New Brunswick’s loyalist past, and especially how it fits into the present with the question of whether to rename the University of New Brunswick’s law school building, Ludlow Hall. This is a debate worth having, even if it involves uncomfortable truths about our history.

To many, the loyalists of the American Revolution are understood as the founding mothers and fathers of this province. Through the 19th century, this thinking evolved into a kind of myth that later Canadian historians used to imagine the foundation of modern-day Canada.[1] But in doing so, the 19th-century “tory myth” skewed our view of the loyalists as contrary-minded Americans that rejected revolution.[2] In other words, the loyalists were remembered historically as a deferential group of refugees who wholehearted accepted the authority of Britain.

476px-Ludlow_Hall1

Ludlow Hall, [after 1984]. PR; Series 2; Sub-series 3; File 541; Item 2. Photo credit: Joe Stone & Son Ltd.

To argue this point, past historians would often chronicle the life and political exploits of certain loyalist refugees.[3] Famous loyalists such as Ward Chipman, Jonathan Odell and George Duncan Ludlow represented an elite minority, and their extensive written records have been easily taken as a blueprint of a larger loyalist ideology.  Their involvement in the establishment of New Brunswick was easily traceable, and in the post-Confederation era, served Canadian historians as iconographic counterpoints to American figures such as George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. Continue reading

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